Ignatius’ Pilgrimage to Jerusalem: A Window into his Spirituality

di Paul Rolphy Pinto S.I.

Abstract

L’articolo analizza il pellegrinaggio di sant’Ignazio di Loyola a Gerusalemme come momento fondativo della sua spiritualitĂ . Attraverso un’accurata ricostruzione storica, l’autore mostra come il viaggio in Terra Santa abbia trasformato Ignazio da cavaliere penitente a apostolo itinerante. L’esperienza mistica vissuta nei luoghi santi, unita alla maturazione del discernimento spirituale a Manresa, ha contribuito alla nascita degli Esercizi Spirituali e alla visione missionaria della Compagnia di GesĂč. Il pellegrinaggio, inizialmente motivato da penitenza e imitazione dei santi, si evolve in un progetto apostolico universale, segnando il passaggio da una spiritualitĂ  individuale a una ecclesiale e incarnata.

The article examines Saint Ignatius of Loyola’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem as a foundational moment in his spirituality. Through a detailed historical reconstruction, the author shows how the journey to the Holy Land transformed Ignatius from a penitent knight into an itinerant apostle. The mystical experiences in the sacred places, combined with the spiritual discernment matured in Manresa, contributed to the birth of the Spiritual Exercises and the missionary vision of the Society of Jesus. Initially driven by penance and the desire to imitate the saints, the pilgrimage evolved into a universal apostolic project, marking the shift from individual to ecclesial and incarnational spirituality.

Keywords

Pellegrinaggio, Terra Santa, discernimento, missione, spiritualitĂ  incarnata.
Pilgrimage, Holy Land, Discernment, Mission, Incarnational spirituality.

Introduction

Pilgrim is perhaps the most obvious answer to the question, “Who is Ignatius of Loyola in the Autobiography or A Pilgrim’s Testament?” [1]. That is how he chooses to call himself. The word pilgrim appears over 80 times in the brief testament of 101 paragraphs. Ignatius’ self-understanding as a pilgrim is in consonance with the Christian tradition that viewed Jesus’ incarnation as his earthly pilgrimage. Jesus too was a pilgrim on this earth (cf. Jn 1: 14)[2]. He went about doing good (cf. Acts 10: 38) and by his self-donation he led estranged humanity back to the Father. Christian identity could be defined in terms of a pilgrimage. The disciple of a pilgrim is called to be a pilgrim as well. Being pilgrim was a constitutive dimension of Ignatius’ identity.

The Latin word peregrinatio is a composite of per (through) and ager (field). Going about through fields connotes travelling to different lands. Joseph F. Conwell identifies three meanings of the term pilgrimage has acquired: 1. to visit a sacred place, 2. to go into exile, and 3. to go around preaching[3]. The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus defines its mission in the following terms:

The aim and end of this Society is, by traveling through the various parts of the world at the order of the supreme vicar of Christ our Lord or of the superior of the Society itself, to preach, hear confessions, and use all the other means it can with the grace of God to help souls (C [306], cf. C [603-605])[4].

Though his entire life was a pilgrimage, Ignatius’ pilgrimage to sacred places in Israel could be considered a pilgrimage within a pilgrimage, and his pilgrimage par excellence. The various meanings of pilgrimage are, in some way, intertwined in Ignatius’ pilgrimage to Jerusalem and later reflected in the mission of the Society. This article unfolds in four interrelated sections. First section will delve into the initial motivations of Ignatius to pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The second section will analyse the role of Ignatius’ months in Manresa in transforming his original motivations. While his decision to journey to Jerusalem remained firm, the very purpose of the pilgrimage undergoes a radical reorientation. The third section will examine the pilgrimage itself, detailing the challenges Ignatius encountered as a pilgrim, the sacred sites visited, key events along the journey, and the precarious nature of the undertaking itself. Finally, the fourth section will deal with the lessons Ignatius learnt from the pilgrimage, how this formative experience shaped his spiritual vision and fundamentally informed the apostolic mission of the nascent Society of Jesus.

Motivations: Evolution from an Earthly Knight to a Spiritual Knight

The trope of pilgrimage has variously portrayed the pilgrim as hero, sage and saint[5]. Before his conversion, it’s perhaps the figure of the hero that attracted the youthful Ignatius. He aspired to an earthly knighthood. Knighthood (CaballerĂ­a) as an institution was well established during the time Ignatius explored the courts of ArĂ©valo and Navarrete. The romantic novel AmadĂ­s of Gaula was one of Ignatius’ favourites. Chivalrous ideas filled his imagination (cf. Autob [17])[6]. The late 15th century author RodrĂ­guez de Moltavo of AmadĂ­s captured well the chivalric spirit, its adventurous quest and heroic striving[7]. A Christian knight, besides being a protector of the weak, assumed, through a liturgical consecration, a militaristic-religious role[8]. A pilgrimage to Jerusalem had close association with the knightly ideal of liberating Jerusalem (crusade) and a pilgrim knight might also be a crusader[9].

Ignatius’ courtly career in ArĂ©valo came to an abrupt end in 1517 following the disgrace and subsequent death of his patron, Juan VelĂĄzquez. Between 1517 and 1521, Ignatius served the Duke of NĂĄjera, Don Antoni Manrique de Lara at Navarrete. In all likelihood, Ignatius came to know the Franciscan, Antonio de Medina, and his work, Tratado de los Misterios y Estaciones de la Tierra Sancta, at least in its seminal form. De Medina had lived in Jerusalem and returned to Spain in 1514. He dedicated his work to his sister, Doña Juana de Cardona, on whose behest he started composing the work. She had married Manrique de Lara in 1503. He became the Duke of NĂĄjera in 1515. The dukes of NĂĄjera took keen interest in the sacred places of Israel. This court ambience and enthusiasm could well have exerted an early influence in kindling the desire to visit the Holy Land in the heart of Ignatius[10].

Though the conquest of Jerusalem had long inspired Christian knights to pilgrimage, during Ignatius’ convalescence at Loyola (June 1521-February 1522), an entirely new spiritual awakening took root in his soul. Movements of wanting to imitate the lives of saints he read appeared in his soul. These eventually influenced his decision to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. In the first four months of the convalescence, efforts were directed at realigning his right foot and easing the pain through multiple surgeries and rigorous therapy[11]. When the pain in the leg subsided, Ignatius’ attention turned to other matters. His first natural impulse was to get healed and return to the court, and pursue a promising carrier. Thanks to the distinguishing courage and chivalry he displayed in the Battle of Pamplona (May 1521), his prospects for rising in rank significantly increased.

At this juncture, one thing Ignatius had in abundance was time. Since “he was much given to reading worldly books of fiction, commonly labeled chivalry, on feeling well he asked to be given some of them to pass the time” (Autob [5]). However, the type of books he wanted were not available in the castle. So, he was given the ones that were available: Vita Christi by Ludolph of Saxony and Leyenda áurea (Golden Legend) on the lives of saints by Jacabus de Varagine (cf. Autob [5]). The version of Vita Christi that Ignatius would have read is generally identified as the Spanish translation of Vita Christi cartuxano by Ambrosio Montesino. The translation of Legenda áurea Ignatius read is most likely the Spanish translation, La vida de los santos en romance, a Seville edition[12].

Ignatius read what was available and gained a taste for things written in those books (cf. Autob [6]). The paragraphs of the Autobiography that follow describe the alternation of two kinds of thoughts, one earthly and the other heavenly, leading to the birth of discretion of spirits. Thoughts of things of the world left him, dry and dissatisfied. But when he thought of going to Jerusalem barefoot, and of eating nothing but plain vegetables and of practicing all the other rigors that he saw in the saints, not only was he consoled when he had these thoughts but even after putting them aside, he remained satisfied and joyful (Autob [8]).

In the next paragraph, Ignatius, in his desire to imitate saints, speaks of his decision to go to Jerusalem, based on the light he had received with regard to the discretion of spirits, “the one thing he wanted to do was to go to Jerusalem as soon as he recovered, as mentioned above, with as much of disciplines and fasts as a generous spirit, ablaze with God, would want to perform” (Autob [9]).

The content of his reading and his subsequent reflection mediated the discernment of Ignatius. Ludolph of Saxony, in the Prologue has a section with the title, “How to Meditate on the Life of Christ”. Under this section he exhorts the readers to visit the holy places and highlights the benefit of so doing.

As you read the narrative, imagine you are seeing each event with your own eyes and hearing it with your own ears, because the sweetest thoughts are born of desire—and these are much more pleasing to the taste. Although these accounts describe events that occurred in the past, you must meditate upon them as if they were taking place now: there is no question but that you will savor them with greater pleasure. Read what once happened as if it were happening here and now. Put past deeds before your eyes as if they were present; you will experience them more deeply and more happily.

This is why sometimes I describe the locations where events took place: when we read in the gospel that this or that action happened in a certain place, it is very helpful to know something about where it occurred. Christian churches all over the world never cease to unite themselves day and night with the Holy Land, where the good Jesus lived and which he illuminated by his preaching and consecrated by his precious blood. We find it pleasing to think about these places, but it would be even more delightful to visit them in person, there to ponder in our hearts how the Lord labored for our salvation in each different locale.

Who can describe how the many devout pilgrims in the Holy Land travel from site to site, and with burning zeal kiss the ground and embrace the places where they hear that Jesus sat or performed some deed? Beating their breasts, weeping, groaning, and sighing by turns, they express outwardly in their bodies the devotion they doubtless feel in their hearts, and their emotion moves many to tears, even among the Saracens[13].

While Ludolph urges the reader to travel to the Holy Places, Voragine speaks of many saints who went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem[14]. The two books that Ignatius read and long meditated upon, motivated his decision to go to Jerusalem.

The first major destination of the pilgrimage was Montserrat. Here he made his general confession, as preparation for the pilgrimage to the Holy Land. His confessor, the French Benedictine monk Jean Chanon, would become his confidant, to whom he revealed, for the first time, his intention of making the pilgrimage (cf. Autob [17])[15]. Besides his general confession, on the eve of the Annunciation of Our Lady (24 March 1522), he also kept a vigil of arms[16] before the Black Madonna of Montserrat (cf. Autob [18]), inspired by what he had read in the AmadĂ­s de Guala (cf. Autob [17]), in a manner described in Las Siete Partidas of Alphonso the Wise[17]. He now set out, not as a knight of a lady of highest standing of this world (cf. Autob [6]) but of Our Lady. The internal transformation of his soul was already manifesting externally.

Coming to a large town before Montserrat, he decided to buy there the attire he had resolved to wear—and use when going to Jerusalem. He bought cloth from which sacks are usually made, loosely woven and very prickly. Then he ordered a long garment to be made from it, reaching to his feet. He bought a pilgrim’s staff and a small gourd and put everything in front by the mule’s saddle (Autob [16]).

When he set out from Monserrat, he became a ‘formal’ pilgrim, donning the attire he acquired before reaching Montserrat.

Manresa: Catalyst of Penitential Pilgrimage to Apostolic Pilgrimage

In Loyola, with the partial opening of his eyes (his eyes opened a little, Autob [9]), Ignatius decided to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. For Ludolph, the inspiration behind making the pilgrimage to the Holy Places should be the cultivation of love of Lord Jesus Christ. In the case of Ignatius, this dimension seems to have been overshadowed by two other motivating factors. First, he viewed the pilgrimage as penitential, a way of doing penance in order to ‘repair’ his sinful past. Second, the pilgrimage was for him a way of imitating the saints, nay, of surpassing them (cf. Autob [7]).

When Ignatius set out from Loyola with the resolve of making the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he had the intention of returning to Spain. He was giving a thought to what he would do on his return, perhaps, enter the Carthusians in Seville (for this purpose asked one of his households going to Burgos to gather information about the Carthusians of Seville) or live a life of penitent gyrovagus (wanderer) (cf. Autob [12]).

From the way Ignatius made his decision in the case of the Moor, whom he thought had insulted the Virgin Mary, it can be inferred that his art of discernment had not reached its maturity. Ignatius let the mule decide by letting loose its reins (cf. Autob [15-16]).

His intended stop-over for a few days at Manresa, enroute to Barcelona to board the ship to Gaeta, lasted nearly 11 months (April 1522 – mid-February 1523)[18]. From the point of view of spiritual growth, perhaps the Manresa period is the most fecund in his life. He lived a life of a recluse (cf. Autob [29]), exaggerating in his ascetical exercises (cf. Autob [23]), that eventually led him to a terrible battle with scruples (cf. Autob [22-25]). In his conclusion with regard to the victory the Lord won for him over the scruples he says,

In this way the Lord deigned that he awakes as from sleep. As he now had some experience of the diversity of spirits from the lessons God had given him, he began to examine the means by which that spirit had come. He thus decided with great lucidity not to confess anything from the past anymore; and so from that day forward he remained free of those scruples and held it for certain that Our Lord had mercifully deigned to deliver him (Autob [25]).

He continued with his spiritual exercises and started taking notes of things—rudimentary text of what would later become the Spiritual Exercises—that benefitted his soul thinking that they would also benefit others (cf. Autob [99]). His spiritual journey was accompanied by mystical graces. Noteworthy among them is what is known as the illumination by the river Cardoner (cf. Autob [30). He had woken up to the gift of discernment while convalescing in Loyola and that gift acquired its maturity in and through the illumination. Something in his understanding changed radically, in the way he understood God, himself and the world. In the words of Brian O’Leary, “a vital part of his enlightenment was a grasp of the interconnectedness of the truths, new or old, whose meaning he saw”[19].

During the Manresa period, Ignatius became more proficient in the art of discernment. Based on the writing of Nadal, Santiago Arzubilade observes that some norms “for Making an Election” (SpEx [169-189])[20] were composed in their rudimentary form in Manresa[21]. This is a sufficient indication to suppose that he reconsidered the decision he had taken prior to his departure from Loyola to Montserrat, namely, make a penitential pilgrimage to the Holy Land.

The first change occurred in his lifestyle. In Manresa he began a rigorous penitential and semi-recluse life. He neglected his health and appearance, allowing the disorderly growth of his hair and nails (cf. Autob [19]). With this new insight from his illumination, he began to cut his hair and nails (cf. Autob [29]). That is to say, he made himself presentable to others, and “after he began to be consoled by God, and saw the fruit which he bore in dealing with souls, he gave up those extremes he had formerly practiced” (Autob [29] cf. [26]). In this way, he began to help souls, in Manresa[22].

There is a re-ordering of his priorities within the decision that had been made. In all likelihood, Ignatius reconsidered his ‘election’ of going on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The decision to go to Jerusalem is not abandoned but confirmed. In the sequence of narration in the Autobiography, the changes made to the election are mentioned in the section that speaks of the events in Jerusalem:

His firm intention was to remain in Jerusalem, continually visiting those holy places; and in addition to this devotion, he also planned to help souls. For this purpose, he had brought some letters of recommendation[23] for the Guardian and gave them to him. He told him of his intention to remain there because of his devotion; but not the second part, about wanting to help souls, because he had not told this to anyone, whilst he had frequently made public the first (Autob [45]).

The changes mentioned in this passage were not decided while he was in Jerusalem, but in Manresa. The first noticeable change in the decision is in the character of the pilgrimage. Initially, it was twinged with ego-centrism, seeking to out-strip the saints. In the new decision, love of Christ and devotion to him take priority. Ludolph’s Vita Christi, too, rightly, gives priority to devotion (Mk 3: 13: to be with him). The second change in the election is radical: to remain in Jerusalem. The thought of returning to Spain and joining a Carthusian monastery, is abandoned[24]. The change made to the purpose of the pilgrimage, “to help souls there” (Mk 3: 13: to be sent out to proclaim the message) is even more crucial. Ignatius had begun helping souls in Manresa. He wants to continue to do so in Jerusalem. The spiritual experiences of Manresa act as a catalyst that transform the penitential pilgrimage into an apostolic pilgrimage.

The Pilgrimage

“Meantime, the time was approaching when he planned to set out for Jerusalem” (Autob [35]). The time Ignatius is referring to here is early 1523 (cf. Autob [36]). From his affirmation, it could be inferred that he knew well the practical details of the journey to Jerusalem, such as the right timing, itinerary and requirements for the journey[25]. The atmosphere of the Nájera court and the encounter with Antonio de Medina and his work in progress were most likely Ignatius’ sources of information. After studying the extant accounts of the Holy Land pilgrimages of early decades of the 16th Century, Manzano Martín identifies three “purses” that one needs to take on the pilgrimage: 1. a purse replete with coins, 2. much patience and 3. abundance of faith[26]. Ignatius was going to be a different kind of pilgrim. Of course, he carried the last two, but he substituted the first with a different purse, that of absolute trust in God, “he said that he would not go even in the company of the son or the brother of the Duke of Cardona[27], because he wanted to practice three virtues— charity, faith, and hope. [
] he wanted to place that trust, attachment, and expectation in God alone” (Autob [35]).

Ignatius set out from Manresa to Barcelona around mid-February 1523. The excessive fasts and other ascetical practices ruined his health and he would suffer stomach pains for the rest of his life. Especially during this period, prior to the embarkment from Barcelona and Venice, he experienced intense pains in the stomach. So much so that, in Venice the doctors warned him, “that indeed he could embark, if he wanted to be buried there” (Autob [43]). While his delicate health did not decrease his determination, he had become less rigid and more wise regarding other matters, such as protecting himself from cold with warmer clothes when needed, and heeding the counsel of his confessor, to take sufficient biscuit for the voyage from Barcelona to Gaeta (cf. Autob [34-36])[28]. He undertook the pilgrimage placing all his trust in God and all during the journey up to Jerusalem, he felt the Lord assuring him: “he had great assurance in his soul and he could not doubt but that he would in fact find a way to go to Jerusalem”. “He had a great assurance in his soul that God would provide a way for him to go to Jerusalem” (Autob [40, 42]).

The first stage of Ignatius’ pilgrimage was in Italy. He embarked from Barcelona on 18 or 19 March and disembarked in Gaeta after five days (cf. Autob [38]). From Gaeta, via Fondi, he walked, reaching the Eternal City on 29 March 1523, Palm Sunday. He stayed in the city for about half a month, during which time he received the Papal blessing and the required authorisation to make the pilgrimage. He proceeded on foot from Rome on 13 or 14 April, arriving a month later in Venice after walking a distance of 600 kms. He likly took part in the procession of Corpus Christi on the 4 June, as it was customary for pilgrims to the Holy Land[29].

The Autobiography of Ignatius provides scant details of the pilgrimage. Some of the gaps in the narration, particularly regarding the journey from Venice to Jerusalem and back, can be filled by the accounts of the two extant diaries of Ignatius’ fellow pilgrims, Peter FĂŒessli and Philippe Hagen. FĂŒessli was Swiss, a bell-founder by profession, and a member of the Grand Council of Zurich. Hagen was from Strasbourg[30].

The 1523 group of pilgrims to Jerusalem from Venice numbered just 21, a considerable drop from previous years. The cause was the conquest of Rhodes Island, in possession of Knights Hospitallers of St John, by the Turkish Sultan in the previous year, toward the end of 1522 (cf. Autob [43]). Ignatius boarded, free of cost, the Negrona, vessel carrying the governors, probably on 14 July. The ship of the pilgrims, with 13 pilgrims onboard, had sailed earlier. Ignatius arrived in Famagusta, Cyprus, on 14 August. The Negrona was initially directed to Beirut, in which case Ignatius would have travelled through Galilee to reach Jerusalem. A plague in Syria dissuaded the captain who took the vessel to Cyprus. From Famagusta, Ignatius had to walk 40 kms to reach Salamis to re-join the group that had embarked on the pilgrim ship. The pilgrim ship sailed from Salamis on 19 August and reached the shores of the Holy Land on 22. The captain had mistakenly taken the ship to Gaza, 50 kms south of Jaffa, the intended destination. The ship touched the shores at Gaza only on 25 August.

Ignatius offers very few details of the navigation up to Jaffa. He reproached very severely “some obscenities and indecencies”, most likely homosexuality[31], committed openly onboard the Negrona. Apart from this detail, he speaks of his spiritual sentiments, “During all this time, Our Lord appeared to him often, giving him great consolation and determination”. (Autob [44]).

Although the pilgrims’ ship dropped anchor in Jaffa on 25 August, Ignatius and the co-pilgrims did not set foot on the Palestinian soil until 1 September. The captain of the ship had

to first go to Jerusalem to inform the Guardian of the Franciscans, Jacques du Portu, of the arrival of the pilgrims. The captain returned to Jaffa on 31 August with the Patron, two Franciscans and an escort of one hundred soldiers. One of the Franciscans, Hugo, explained to the pilgrims how they should behave and conduct themselves during their sojourn in the Holy Land. They disembarked on 1 September and set foot on Palestinian soil. After completing the entrance formalities, they continued their journey toward Jerusalem, mounted on donkeys. The first holt for rest was at Ramla, some 20 kms from Jaffa. Under normal circumstances, they should have left Ramla on the following day, but they were obliged to wait for a Caravan of Jewish merchants arriving from Cairo. On the evening of 3 September, all together, they continued their journey to Jerusalem travelling through the night. At day break, they reached the outskirts of the Holy City, the plateau from where they caught a first glimpse of the city. The ascent leading up to the plateau is called the “Ascent of the Romans”. At the suggestion of the Spanish noble, Diego Manes, the pilgrims made the ascent in silence and examining their consciences. A little before reaching the top of the plateau, they dismounted the donkeys just as they caught sight of the Franciscan friars, waiting to welcome them with a cross (cf. Autob [45]). Ignatius expresses his spiritual sentiments of the moment and of the subsequent days in just two sentences:

On seeing the city the pilgrim felt great consolation; and as the others testified, this was common to them all, with a joy that did not seem natural. He always felt this same devotion on his visits to the holy places (Autob [45]).

This summary statement is telling. He describes, not so much the sacred sites he visited, but what he felt while visiting them. Even though “composition seeing the place” (SpEx [47]) is indispensable in the prayer of the Exercises—place matters[32]—paying attention to interior movements of the soul is of utmost importance for Ignatius, perhaps because, God communicates with the soul through inner feelings. The joy he felt “did not seem natural”. It had to be supernatural.

The convent of the Franciscan monks was situated on Mount Sion. Since Ignatius was literally a mendicant, i.e., a beggar, he was given lodging in the monastery[33], while the rest went to St John’s guesthouse next to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. On Saturday, 5 September, they celebrated Mass in the Cenacle and heard a sermon by Hugo, the Dutch Franciscan friar, who would guide the pilgrims throughout their entire stay. During the rest of the morning, they visited the ruins of the Church of Mount Sion and the place of the Dormition of Our Lady. In the afternoon, they made a long visit to the Holy Sepulchre, beginning with the place of Apparition of the Risen Lord to his Mother. That night, they spent praying at the Holy Sepulchre, their first of what would be three nights there.

On 6 September, Sunday, before daybreak they celebrated Mass in the aedicule of Holy Sepulchre, and returned to their respective lodgings to rest. In the afternoon, they did the “Holy Circuit”, of what has become the Via Dolorosa, but in reverse order, i.e., from the Holy Sepulchre toward the Ecce Homo. The houses of Mary, St Mark and St James are among the places they visited.

On 7 September, Monday, after celebrating Mass in the Cenacle, they descended to the Kidron Valley by the Tomb of Absalom and the Garden of Olives. Then they went to Bethany where they visited the House of Simon the Leper and the Tomb of Lazarus. They made their return journey via Bethpage, Pater Noster, a stop at Dominus Flevit, and the Chapel of the Ascension. While descending from the Mount of Olives, they again stopped by the cave of Gethsemane and the place of Agony.

On the day of the Nativity of Mary, 8 September, Tuesday, they journeyed to Bethlehem on donkeys, via Mar Elias and Tomb of Rachael. They visited the Basilica of the Nativity, the Chapel of St Catherine and the Cell of St Jerome. The pilgrims spent the night in prayer in the Basilica of the Nativity.

On 9 September, Wednesday, they celebrated Mass in the cave of the Nativity. Then, they departed for Ain Karim via Rephaim valley and the fountain where Deacon Philip is believed to have baptised the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts 8: 26). At Ain Karim, they visited the place of the Visitation, Fountain of the Virgin, and the place of the birth of John the Baptist. They returned to their lodgings passing via the Monastery of the Cross.

On 10 September, Tuesday, the pilgrims departed from Mount Sion to Haceldama, Siloam, the Fountain of the Virgin, the Kidron valley, the Garden of Olives, and the Tomb of the Virgin, returning back to Mount Sion. After vespers, they visited the House of Caiaphas and Annas, both of which had been converted into Armenian churches.

On 11 September, Friday, in the morning, Friar Hugo showed them the cave on Mount Sion where David composed and recited the penitential psalms. Then, they were received by the Franciscan tertiaries, a group of women dedicated to the service of the pilgrims. Their guesthouse was situated close to the Holy Sepulchre. Here they received Holy Communion (“Agnus Dei”) and some relics. That evening, they went to the Holy Sepulchre to spend their second night there in prayer. On 12 September, Saturday and 13 September, Sunday, they rested.

On the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, 14 September, Monday, in the evening, mounted on donkeys, they departed for Jericho via Bethany. They made a stopover at the House of Zacchaeus. Travelling by night, they progressed toward Jericho, but not without becoming the target of aggression of some Turks and Moors. They forcefully stole the wine bottles of the pilgrims, striking those who resisted. These kinds of events occurred frequently with the pilgrims. After the unpleasant events, they descended to the Jordan, to the place of the Baptism of Jesus. Some pilgrims washed their hands, feet, and face, others waded, and others swam to the other shore. It is not known what Ignatius did. On the journey back to Jerusalem, they attempted to visit the Mount of Temptation, but the escort prohibited them. On the way back to Jerusalem, they stop by the Fountain of Elisha to quench their thirst.

The political situation of Jerusalem had changed a few years before Ignatius’ arrival in the Holy Land. In 1516-17 the Ottoman Turks defeated the Mameluke Sultanate, taking over Jerusalem and the rest of Mameluke lands[34]. From 16 September, Tuesday to 20 September, Sunday, the pilgrims were obliged to stay indoors in the convent of Mount Sion because 400 to 500 soldiers had arrived from Damascus. The city authorities notified the Guardian to keep the convent closed[35]. It was not a good time for pilgrims. The earlier they could leave Jerusalem, the better.

On 21 September, Monday, the pilgrims went, one last time, to the Holy Sepulchre for their third all-night vigil[36]. Very early in the morning, three pilgrims (Hagen, one among them) were made knights of the Holy Sepulchre[37]. Around six in the morning, they return to their lodgings. What happened during the rest of the day? Ignatius recounts the details himself; the only ones he chose to narrate (Autob [45-48]).

His firm intention was to live the rest of his life in the Holy Land, an intention which he often made public. When did he make it known to the Guardian of the Franciscans? It was probably during the four days of forced enclosure in the convent. During these days of ‘retreat’, after having visited the Holy Places, most likely, he received confirmation of the election he had made in Manresa: “His firm intention was to remain in Jerusalem, continually visiting those holy places; and in addition to this devotion, he also planned to help souls”. He did not reveal his plan to help souls to the Guardian though[38]. Initially, the Guardian objected, but when he learnt that the only thing the Pilgrim wanted from them was to make his confession sometimes, he agreed. Yet, he made it known to the Pilgrim that he did not have the authority to grant his request. This authority rested with Provincial, who was, at the moment, away in Bethlehem.

Feeling reassured by the hopes given by the Guardian, on 22 September morning, the Pilgrim started drafting letters to his spiritual friends in Barcelona. He finished one letter, and while he was writing the second one, he was summoned by the Provincial, who had just arrived from Bethlehem. Ignatius recounts the summary of his encounter with the Provincial. Given the precarious political atmosphere in Jerusalem, implying risk to the lives of pilgrims, the Provincial firmly denied the permission for Ignatius to stay. Ignatius was adamant in his resolve—yet if disobedience meant committing a sin, he would obey. The Provincial told the Pilgrim that he had the authority from the Apostolic See to excommunicate anyone who was unwilling to obey his orders. The Provincial was even willing to show the Pilgrims the bulls that invested in him such authority. That was unnecessary for Ignatius. He merely submitted himself to the will of the Provincial[39], “since it was not Our Lord’s will that he remains in those holy places”.

When the encounter with the Provincial was over, he felt a strong desire to visit Mount Olivet before leaving. The following day, 23 September, Wednesday, was to be the day of departure to Jaffa. He wanted to see once again the footprints of Our Lord, impressed on the stone when he rose up to heaven. He left the convent secretly, without taking a guide along, which was very risky. Once on Mount Olivet, the guides did not allow him entry. So, he bribed them, giving them his paperknife. He prayed there with great consolation. There, he felt the desire to go to Bethphage. While in Bethphage, he could not recall the minute details of what he had seen on Mount Olivet, i.e., on what side was the right foot and on what side the left. So, he returned to Mount Olivet and this time, he gave his scissors to the guards to procure entry. Ignatius did away with the ‘treasures’ of a notary—paperknife and scissors—which he once was, in favour of the new-found treasure, Christ the Lord[40]. The last imprint of Jesus on earth is the last impression Ignatius wanted to etch into his memory.

Noticing the absence of the Pilgrim, the friars sent a “belted” Christian to look for him. The Syrian Christians serving in the convent were so called because of the belt they wore around their waist. This servant spotted Ignatius coming down Mount Olivet. Though annoyed, he spared him a blow but grabbed him tightly. Ignatius’ docility calmed him down. “The good man, however, never let him go”. Being led in this manner by the servant, Ignatius “felt great consolation from Our Lord, so that it seemed to him that he saw Christ over him continually. This lasted all through in great abundance until he reached the monastery” (Autob [48]).

On 23 September, Wednesday, some pilgrims visited the Tomb of the Virgin and the Cave of Gethsemane. While returning, some of them visited the Golden Gate. At ten o’clock at the night, the pilgrims departed on donkeys for Ramla and Jaffa, as secretly as possible. On this last stretch of their journey, the pilgrims endured many adversities. They were attacked at least twice by warring factions and the Bedouins for extortion. They were retained in Ramla for 8 days and could proceed to Jaffa only on 1 October. They embarked for Cyprus on 2 October.

The pilgrims arrived in Cyprus on 13 October. The vessel Negrona that had brought Ignatius to Cyprus had sailed back on 3 October, after having waited for more days than what was agreed upon[41]. The pilgrims were distributed to different ships for their navigation back to Venice, 28 October. Three ships were destined for Venice: a Turkish ship, a very rich and powerful ship belonging to the wealthy Venetian, Girolamo Contarini, and a very small one called Galión. Of the three, only the captain of the Galión agreed to give Ignatius free passage. There was a storm on the very first day and only Ignatius’ vessel survived. He arrived in Venice in mid-January, after being at sea for two and a half months, suffering the severe winter cold (cf. Autbo [49-50]).

“After the pilgrim realized that it was God’s will that he does not stay in Jerusalem, he continually pondered within himself what he ought to do [quid agendum]” (Autbo [50]). Here, Ignatius’ pilgrimage marks a new beginning: seeking God’s will and renouncing one’s own.

Fruits of the Pilgrimage in Jerusalem

Ignatius replaced the purse of ducats with a purse of absolute trust in God. Vindicated by God, his pilgrimage reinforced his trust in providence. He lacked nothing. Though the doctors of Venice warned him that if he embarked, he would be buried in Jerusalem, he had no health issues. Though the pilgrims were escorted to all the sites in the Holy Land, danger lurked at every corner. Despite the risks, Ignatius slipped out of the convent the day before departure. His fearlessness was the result of his absolute trust in God.

Ignatius had made his own “Spiritual Exercises” and drafted its rudimentary text during his stay in Manresa, before his visit to the Holy Land. A pilgrimage to the Holy Land is not a necessary condition for drawing greater profit from the Exercises. Yet, Ignatius’ direct experience of holy places in and around Jerusalem played a significant role in the formulation of the text of the Spiritual Exercises. The first reference to the text of the Exercises is in the context of Ignatius’ encounter with Inquisitors in Salamanca, “The bachelor Frias came to examine each of them separately, and the pilgrim gave him all his papers, which were the Exercises, to be examined” (Autob [67]). In the interval between this event and Manresa experience, Ignatius had visited the Holy Land and begun giving exercises in Alcalá (cf. Autob [56]). The text he showed to the bachelor Frias would most certainly have been influenced by what happened in the interval, especially the visit to the Holy Land.

Here are a couple of examples. First, in the second contemplation of the Third Week, the first prelude is about “the history”, i.e., considering what the Gospels narrate with regard to the matter of prayer. Ignatius gives an accurate description:

Here it will be how Christ our Lord with his eleven disciples came down from Mount Sion, where the supper had been taken, to the valley of Josaphat; here he left eight of them in a place in the valley and the other three in a part of the garden
 (SpEx [201]).

Such accuracy seems to derive from the first-hand experience Ignatius had of the place. The next prelude “is to see the place” where Ignatius invites the exercitant also to consider the road, “whether wide, whether long, and of what general appearance” [202].

Second, the theme of the first contemplation of the Fourth Week is the Apparition of the Risen Lord to the Blessed Mother (cf. SpEx [218-221]). Since the Scriptures make no mention of any such apparition, Ignatius notes, “Although this is not stated in Scripture, it is assumed to have been included in the statement that he appeared to so many others, for Scripture supposes that we are capable of understanding” [299]. Although Ignatius was aware of an ancient tradition that speaks of Jesus appearing to his Mother[42], his inclusion of this episode as the first apparition could very well have been influenced by the fact that he visited the place traditionally held as the spot where the Risen Jesus appeared to his Mother. Ignatius describes the “composition seeing the place” as, “Here it will be to see the arrangement of the holy sepulchre, and the lodging or house of our Lady, looking in detail at all its parts, such as her room, oratory, etc.” [220]. On 5 September 1523, Ignatius had visited the Chapel of the Apparition of the Risen Lord to his Mother, in the vicinity of the Holy Sepulchre.

During his Paris years (1528-1535), Ignatius began giving the full Exercises to different persons (cf. Autob [77]) while simultaneously refining the text itself alongside his studies in philosophy and theology. The visit to Jerusalem most certainly influenced the redaction and refinement of the text of the Exercises. Moreover, his personal experiences during Jerusalem pilgrimage may have inspired both the creation and incorporation of new exercises into the text. A notable example is the Three Kinds of Humility (or the Three kinds of love; SpEx [165-168]) which Ignatius developed and added during his Paris years[43]. His experience of being humiliated and treated as a fool—both in Jerusalem and during his journey back—could well have given origin to this exercise. The experience of humiliation resulted from Ignatius’ disinterested love for Christ. Ignatius was so madly in love with the Lord that, on the day prior to the departure from Jerusalem, he escaped alone to the Mount Olivet, disregarding all regulations. As one in love, who pays attention to seemingly irrelevant details, Ignatius gave away his ‘treasures’ in order to contemplate the footprints of Jesus and note their exact positioning. While the “belted” Christian grabbed him and led him down to the convent, “he felt great consolation from Our Lord, so that it seemed to him that he saw Christ over him continually”. A section of the Three Kinds of Humility exercise states, “I desire more to be thought worthless and a fool for Christ [loco por Cristo], who first was taken to be such, rather than to be esteemed as wise and prudent in this world” (SpEx [167])[44]. John English considers this exercise from the point of view of a love relationship between two persons. In the third mode of loving, the relationship goes beyond mere obedience to commandments. It is a matter of complete identification with the beloved[45].

The experience of the Holy Land would lead Ignatius to acquire greater maturity in the process of making an election. The election he made in Manresa confirmed the intention with which had he left Loyola. The election of Manresa added two more deliberations: 1. Not only pilgrimage to the Holy Land but remain there, 2. To help souls[46]. He arrived at these decisions personally through a mystical-spiritual process, but the decision taken had to be put to test. Ignatius had not taken into consideration the historical-doctrinal aspects while making the election[47]. The testing of the election took place under these aspects and he learnt many lessons, that would contribute to the further elaboration of rules for making a good Election, which was made during the Paris period[48].

Ignatius obeyed the Provincial, the papal authority, in the Holy Land. This shows that his election was made with rectitude of intention, and purely for the praise and glory of God (cf. SpEx [169]). If he were seeking his own interest, he likely would have disobeyed. Ignatius’ spirituality is incarnational, i.e., he sought to follow the historical Jesus. Being asked to leave Jerusalem and his submission makes his incarnational spirituality concretely historical and not just a pious spiritual fabrication.

On 15 August 1535, the First Companions, along with the vow of poverty and chastity, made a promise to go to the Holy Land. Nevertheless, they did not decide upon what they would do there or whether they would remain, there were differences of opinion on the subject. So, they came to an agreement the they would deliberate on the matter once in the Holy Land[49]. Like the previous time, on this occasion, Ignatius did not decide beforehand about a matter that did not completely depend on him. The decision making becomes more realistic. Years later, in a letter, To Those Sent on Mission, he advices them to practice discerning love in the way of proceeding, “taking into consideration time, place and persons”[50]. These, precisely, were the aspects he had ignored while he had made his election at Manresa.

The experience also gives rise to a heightened ecclesial consciousness (sentire cum ecclesia). Of course, he had the authorisation to make the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, which he acquired in Rome, but, he did not have the authorisation to remain there. He would not presume the Church’s will in the future. In the Exercises, while discussing the matter for Election, Ignatius makes this precision, “that they [the matters] should engage the person in the service of God within (militen dentro de) our holy mother, the hierarchical Church” (SpEx [170]). Could he have made this precision while continuing to rework on the text of Exercises in Paris in the light of his lived experiences?

Conclusion

Commenting on some passages of Pedro de Ribadeneira’s Treatise on the Governance of St Ignatius of Loyola, JosĂ© de Guibert affirms that Ignatius’ extraordinary trust in Divine Providence is one of the defining characteristics that best encapsulates his spirit[51]. This trust and hope in God shine forth most brightly in his pilgrimage to the Holy Land. This spiritual trait is beautifully expressed in the Constitutions:

The Society was not instituted by human means; and it is not through them that it can be preserved and increased, but through the grace of the omnipotent hand of Christ our God and Lord. Therefore, in him alone must be placed the hope that he will preserve and carry forward what he deigned to begin for his service and praise and for the aid of souls (C [812]).

Ignatius was able to dream big because of his indomitable trust in God. Ignatius’ pilgrimage to the Holy Land—his first project after his conversion—contains, in a seminal form, the essential traits of his spirituality. These traits maturing over time, became the founding inspiration for the Society of Jesus. Initially, at Loyola, his intention was to undertake a penitential pilgrimage which later evolved into an apostolic project[52], albeit a hidden one. The Pilgrim of the Autobiography is not a mere seeker of devotion, but a viator, an itinerant preacher in poverty[53], an imitator of Christ (cf. Heb 11: 13-16). In his firm conviction to remain in the Holy Land and go about helping souls—unrealised though it was—the monastic Benedictine ideal of stabilitas[54] was giving way to a new ideal: mobilitas. It becomes the defining characteristic of Society’s mission (cf. C [306, 603-605]).

Initially, Jerusalem was Ignatius’ only priority, emerging from his deep devotion to the humanity of Christ (ordered love), and a desire to surpass the saints (disordered love). In his original project, he was lone pilgrim. Along the pilgrimage from Jerusalem, co-pilgrims joined him, who participated in his dream of going to Jerusalem and help souls. Going back to Jerusalem as a group could not be realised, but helping souls, under the Roman Pontiff, could. In the new apostolic project, the whole world became the destination, Jerusalem being part of it[55]. Ignatius never renounced the mission to Jerusalem until the end of his life. Just ten days before his death, he dispatched a letter to the Franciscan friars concerning the foundation of a college in Jerusalem[56].

Ignatius was a pilgrim all throughout his life. His pilgrimage to the Holy Land, in particular, within his lifelong pilgrimage, could be considered his pilgrimage par excellence, which provides a window into his spirituality.

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  1. Parmananda Roque Divarkar, ed., A Pilgrim’s Testament: The Memoirs of Ignatius of Loyola (Saint Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1995). Henceforth Autob. The numbers within the square brackets refer to paragraphs. ↑
  2. Cf. Michael Collins Reilly, Spirituality for Mission: Historical, Theological, and Cultural Factors for a Present-Day Missionary Spirituality, Logos (Manila: Loyola School of Theology, 1976), 61. ↑
  3. Joseph F. Conwell, Impelling Spirit: Revisiting a Founding Experience: 1539, Ignatius of Loyola and His Companions. An Exploration into the Spirit and Aims of the Society of Jesus as Revealed in the Founders’ Proposed Papal Letter Approving the Society (Chicago (IL): Loyola Press, 1997), 166. ↑
  4. C = Constitutions. John W. Padberg, ed., The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus and Their Complementary Norms: A Complete English Translation of the Official Latin Texts, 1st ed, (Saint Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1996). ↑
  5. Cf. Javier Melloni Ribas, Éxodo y Éxtasis en Ignacio de Loyola: Una AproximaciĂłn a su AutobiografĂ­a (Maliaño (Cantabria): Sal Terrae, 2020), Introduction (e-book). ↑
  6. Cf. Brian O’Leary, To Love and To Serve: Selected Essays: Exploring the Ignatian Tradition (Dublin: Messenger Publications, 2020), 12. ↑
  7. Cf. Luis SuĂĄrez FernĂĄndez, in Ignacio de Loyola en la Gran Crisis Del Siglo XVI: Congreso Internacional de Historia – Madrid, 19-21 noviembre de 1991, ed. QuintĂ­n Aldea Vaquero, Manresa [Sal Terrae] (Bilbao: Mensajero, 1993), 107. ↑
  8. Cf. Andrea Maria Erba and Pier Luigi Guiducci, La Chiesa Nella Storia: Duemila Anni di Cristianesimo (Leumann (TO): Elledici, 2008), 35. ↑
  9. Cf. Conwell, Impelling Spirit, 169-170. ↑
  10. Cf. Braulio Manzano MartĂ­n, ĂĂ±igo de Loyola, Peregrino en JerusalĂ©n (1523-1524), Ensayos (Madrid: Encuentro, 1995), 16, 21-24. ↑
  11. Cf. Maurice Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, Manresa 63 (1991), 34. ↑
  12. Cf. Terence O’Reilly, The ‘Spiritual Exercises’ of Saint Ignatius of Loyola: Contexts, Sources, Reception, Jesuit Studies: Modernity through the Prism of Jesuit History (Leiden: Brill, 2021), 112-113. ↑
  13. Ludolphus de Saxonia, The Life of Jesus Christ, trans. Milton Thomas Walsh, vol. 1 (Athens, Ohio: Cistercian Publications, 2018) (e-book). This translation is based on 1870 Latin published text and its predecessor 1474 Strasbourg edition. The text that Ignatius might have read reads as follows:

    Pues ya has visto a cuĂĄn alto grado se traen los pensamientos de la vida de Cristo, quiero agora en alguna manera ensayarte en ellos mesmos, no tratando todas las cosas que en el Evangelio son escritas, mas eligiendo de ellas algunas de las que son mĂĄs devotas… Pues cuando hallares que yo te cuento: esto dijo o esto hizo nuestro Señor Jesucristo, o los otros que en la historia evangĂ©lica se introducen, si lo tal por la Escritura no se puede probar, no le des mĂĄs autoridad de cuanto lo requiere el devoto y piadoso pensamiento… E de esta causa, algunas veces señalĂ© los lugares en que estas cosas fueron hechas, ca mucho vale al hombre cuando oye el Evangelio que dice: esto o esto se hizo en tal lugar, y cuando sabe la maravilla o la obra que se hizo y el lugar adonde acaeciĂł. Santo e piadoso ejercicio es por cierto contemplar la Tierra Santa de JerusalĂ©n, pues que todas las Iglesias de nuestro Redentor no la dejan de acompañar, pues que aquel soberano rey, nuestro Cristo, morando en ella y alumbrĂĄndola con su palabra y doctrina, la consagrĂł al fin con su preciosa sangre. E como quiera que esto ansĂ­ sea, mucho es aĂșn negocio mĂĄs deleitable verla con los ojos corporales y revolverla con el entendimiento, pues que en cada uno de sus lugares, el Señor obrĂł nuestra salud… Por cierto que debemos gemir y llorar por la pereza y tibieza que tienen los prĂ­ncipes cristianos de nuestro tiempo, pues que teniendo tantos ejemplos delante son tan flacos e indevotos para ganar de manos y poder de los enemigos, pues que la consagrĂł el Señor con su sangre. Es de notar por regla general que adonde quiera que en las siguientes contemplaciones, no hallares singulares cosas que pensar, que te debe bastar que la obra de nuestro Señor Jesucristo dicha o fecha, pongas ante los ojos de tu ĂĄnima y converses con Ă©l y te hagas su familiar, porque en esto parece que hay mayor dulzura y devociĂłn de mayor eficacia.

    Rogelio GarcĂ­a Mateo, ed., El Misterio de La Vida de Cristo en Los Ejercicios Ignacianos y en el Vita Christi Cartujano: AntologĂ­a de Textos (Madrid: Biblioteca de autores cristianos, 2002), LII. Cf. Pedro de Leturia, “JerusalĂ©n y Roma en los Designios de San Ignacio de Loyola”, in Estudios IguacĂ­anos, ed. Ignacio Iparracuirre, vol. 1, 2 vols (Roma: IHSI, 1957), 182-183; James W. Reites, ‘Ignacio y Los Musulmanes de Tierra Santa’, Manresa 52 (1980), 295; Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, 35. ↑

  14. Cf. O’Reilly, The ‘Spiritual Exercises’ of Saint Ignatius of Loyola, 11; de Leturia, “JerusalĂ©n y Roma en los Designios de San Ignacio de Loyola”, 183. ↑
  15. Cf. Ricardo GarcĂ­a Villoslada, San Ignacio de Loyola: Nueva BiografĂ­a, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos (Madrid: La Editorial CatĂłlica, 1986), 214; Maurice Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, 38-39. ↑
  16. He offered his sword to Our Lady and begged from her spiritual arms in return. ↑
  17. Cf. Josep M. Rambla Blanch, ed., El Peregrino: Autobiografía de San Ignacio de Loyola, Manresa (Bilbao: Mensajero, 1990), 38, footnote 7; Ricardo García Villoslada, San Ignacio de Loyola, 220-223, 225-228. ↑
  18. Ignatius had initially intended to make the pilgrimage in the year 1522 itself. The possible causes of a longer detention in Manresa and the postponement the pilgrimage are succinctly explained in Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, 40. ↑
  19. Brian O’Leary, Ignatius Loyola Christian Mystic (Dublin: Messenger Publications, 2023), 63. ↑
  20. SpEx = Spiritual Exercises. Text in Michael Ivens, Understanding the Spiritual Exercises: Text and Commentary (Leominster: Gracewing, 1998). ↑
  21. Cf. Santiago G. Arzubialde, Ejercicios Espirituales de s. Ignacio: Historia y Análisis, 2a ed. (Bilbao-Santander: Mensajero-Sal terrae, 2009), 39. ↑
  22. Nadal too attests to this. Ignatius perceived the desire to help souls in Manresa and put it in action. “Começó a meditar en la vida de Jesuchristo nuestro Señor e a tener en ella devociĂłn; i luego, en ese mismo puncto, tuvo deseos de ayudar al prĂłximo; y asĂ­ lo hazĂ­a en plĂĄticas y conversasiones particulares con los que podĂ­a. Esta es la oraciĂłn de la Compañía, como adelante se dirĂĄ; que a de ser, no para a sĂ­ a solas, sino que se extienda al obrar y al tractar del aprovechamiento de las almas de los prĂłximos”. Jerome Nadal, Exhortationes in Commentari de Instituto Societatis Iesu, MHSI 90, Romae 1962, 274-276. ↑
  23. Most probably from the Dux of Venice, Andrea Gritti. Cf. Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, 42. ↑
  24. It should be noted, however, that Autob [71] mentions the option of entering a religious institute while the Pilgrim was imprisoned in Salamanca, only to reaffirm that the desire to help souls prevailed. ↑
  25. Cf. Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, 37. ↑
  26. Cf. Manzano MartĂ­n, ĂĂ±igo de Loyola, Peregrino en JerusalĂ©n (1523-1524), 20-21. ↑
  27. The brother of the Duke of Cardona at the time spoke Arabic among other languages and had lived in Jerusalem for several years. Cf. Manzano MartĂ­n, Peregrino en JerusalĂ©n (1523-1524), 20. ↑
  28. Cf. Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, 41. ↑
  29. Ibidem, p. 42. ↑
  30. Cf. Josef Mario Briffa, Ignatius in the Holy Land: A Guided Pilgrimage (Dublin: Messenger Publications, 2023), 8. FĂŒeslli’s (or FĂŒeslly) diary has been through three editions (FĂŒeslly, Peter. “Warhafte Reis gen Venedig und Ierusallem, beschen durch Peter FĂŒssly und Heinrich Ziegler. Anno 1523”. ZĂŒrcher Taschenbuch 7 (1884): 136–93; FĂŒeslly, Peter. “Warhafte Beschrybung der Reysz 1523 gaan Jerusalem getan”. In Studien zur Geschichte der Gesellscheft Jesu, edited by H. Boehmer. Bonn, 1914; FĂŒessli, Peter. Peter FĂŒesslis Jerusalemfahrt 1523 und Brief ĂŒber den Fall von Rhodes. Edited by L.M. Uffer. Zurich, 1982), and Hagen’s dairy was published in a collection of four pilgrim journeys (Hagen, Philppe. “Hodoporika tou patros mou, Philippou Hagen”. In Vier Rheinische Palaestina-Pilgerschriften des XIV. XV. Und XVL Jahrhunderts, edited by L. Conrady. Weisbaden, 1882).

    I will follow the descriptive summary by Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, and when required, the account by Manzano MartĂ­n, ĂĂ±igo de Loyola, Peregrino en JerusalĂ©n (1523-1524). ↑

  31. Cf. GarcĂ­a Villoslada, San Ignacio de Loyola, 280; Pedro Miguel Lamet, Para Alcanzar Amor: Ignacio de Loyola y Los Primeros Jesuitas, Novela HistĂČrica. (Madrid: La esfera de los libros, 2021), 199. ↑
  32. Cf. Book review of Briffa, Josef Mario. Review of Ignatius in the Holy Land: A Guided Pilgrimage, by Christopher Staab, The Way 63, no. 4 (2024), 126. ↑
  33. Cf. Manzano MartĂ­n, ĂĂ±igo de Loyola, Peregrino en JerusalĂ©n (1523-1524), 126. ↑
  34. Cf. Briffa, Ignatius in the Holy Land: A Guided Pilgrimage, 12. ↑
  35. Nevertheless, some pilgrims did manage to sneak out. In this occasion, aided by a local guide, Camali, FĂŒessli and Ziegler visited the Mount of Olives. This perhaps was the precedent Ignatius had in mind when, on 22 Tuesday, he secretly got out to visit the Mound of Olives. ↑
  36. It was customary to keep three-night vigils at the Holy Sepulchre. ↑
  37. At Montserrat, Ignatius had consecrated himself a knight of Our Lady. Had he not undergone the transformation—had he remained merely a man of the court (as he likely would have otherwise)—he too would have chosen to be invested as a knight of the Holy Sepulchre on this occasion. ↑
  38. This apostolic project included the spiritual help he would give even to the Muslims, according to the testimony of LaĂ­nez and Polanco. Cf. Reites, “Ignacio y los Musulmanes de Tierra Santa”, 308; Fontes narrativi I, MHSI 66, 166-167. ↑
  39. This encounter of Ignatius with the authority could well be the background of Ignatius’ Letter of 1 December 1554, sent to the colleges and houses of Spain and Sicily, “On the Method of Dealing with Superiors”. William J. Young, ed., Letters of St. Ignatius of Loyola (Chicago (IL): Loyola University Press, 1959), 390-392. ↑
  40. Cf. Manzano MartĂ­n, ĂĂ±igo de Loyola, Peregrino en JerusalĂ©n (1523-1524), 200. ↑
  41. Ibidem, p.229. ↑
  42. Cf. Ivens, Understanding Spiritual Exercises, 164, note 6; Gerald O’Collins, The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius of Loyola: A Lived Experience (New York: Paulist Press, 2023), 127-128. ↑
  43. Cf. Arzubialde, Ejercicios Espirituales, 425. Three kinds of love or ways of loving is an interpretative key given in the notes of the spiritual exercises of Pedro Ortiz. Cf. George E. Ganss, ed., The Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius (St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), 174. ↑
  44. A parallel episode in the Autobiography recounts how Imperial soldiers, en route from Ferrara to Genova, mistakenly suspected Ignatius of being a spy. He was led, almost naked, to the captain, who “took him for a madman”, saying, “This man is not in his senses” [53]. ↑
  45. Cf. John J. English, Spiritual Freedom: From an Experience of the Ignatian Exercises to the Art of Spiritual Direction (Guelph: Loyola House, 1987), 185-186. ↑
  46. He concealed this deliberation from everyone, lest he appear vainglorious. ↑
  47. Cf. Rogelio GarcĂ­a Mateo, “Vivencias Decisivas de ĂĂ±igo en Montserrat, Manresa, JerusalĂ©n. De la ConversiĂłn a la AcciĂłn ApostĂłlica”, Manresa 93, no. 369 (2021): 404. ↑
  48. Cf. Arzubialde, Ejercicios Espirituales, 453-454. ↑
  49. Cf. García Villoslada, San Ignacio de Loyola. 1031-1033; Cándido de Dalmases, El Padre Maestro Ignacio: Breve Biografía Ignaciana, BAC (Madrid: La Editorial Católica, 1979), 102; Pierre Emonet, Ignatius of Loyola: Legend and Reality, ed. Thomas M. McCoog, trans. Jerry Ryan (Philadelphia (PA): Saint Joseph, 2016), 66. ↑
  50. 8 October 1552. John W. Padberg and John L. McCarthy, eds., Ignatius of Loyola: Letters and Instructions, trans. Martin E. Palmer (Saint Louis (MO): Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2006), 394, no. 4. ↑
  51. Cf. JosĂ© M.a de Guibert UcĂ­n, “El Estilo Personal del Liderazgo de San Ignacio, SegĂșn Pedro de Ribadeneira”, Manresa 97 (2025), 72. See for example Ch I.2, Ch VI.14 in Pedro de Ribadeneira, Treatise on the Governance of St Ignatius of Loyola, ed. and trans. Joseph A. Munitiz (Oxford: Way Books, 2016). ↑
  52. Pablo Alonso, “El Comienzo de la VocaciĂłn ApostĂłlica: Hacerse Peregrino”, Manresa 87 (2015): 213–222. ↑
  53. Cf. John W. O’Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge (MA); London: Harvard University Press, 1993), 271. ↑
  54. Ignatius renounced the project of joining the Carthusians. ↑
  55. The term “pilgrimage” was dear, not only to Ignatius, but to his companions too. Jerusalem gradually became a metaphor for whichever destination a Jesuit was missioned. Cf. AndrĂ© Ravier, Ignatius of Loyola and the Founding of the Society of Jesus, trans. Maura Daly, Joan Daly, and Carson Daly (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1987), 96. ↑
  56. Cf. Gilbert, “La PeregrinaciĂłn de Iñigo a JerusalĂ©n en 1523”, 47; Ravier, Ignatius of Loyola and the Founding of the Society of Jesus, 331-332; Francesco Rossi de Gasperis, “Gerusalemme e la Conoscenza Intima di GesĂč Cristo nell’esperienza Spirituale di Ignazio di Loyola”, Il Messaggio del Cuore di GesĂč XIV (1991), 711-712. ↑

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